Suchergebnisse

Subject and purpose of work: This article analyzes the factors depicted in the literature as essential
for the emergence of far-right parties and assesses the importance of unemployment, immigration and
political establishments in the failures of the far-right wing parties in Sweden and Finland in early 2000s.
Materials and methods: Multi-methods approach is used in this study including case studies and
a novel technique based on Boolean algebra.
Results: The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that the correlation between unemployment
rates and the electoral strength of far-right parties is weak and does not support simplistic thesis such as
high unemployment leads to extremism. Moreover, despite objectively favorable conditions in terms of
high immigration rates, the presence of non-European immigrants in a country does not in itself explain
the emergence of far-right parties.
Conclusions: The study points to the importance of political factors such as the differences between
the mainstream parties and tackling the immigration issue by the Liberal Party in Sweden and the wide
ideological span of the coalition government and the role of Finland's special relationship with the USSR
that militated against the emergence of far-right parties in these countries.

PurposeDespite the burgeoning literature dealing with the democratic peace theory, there seems to be surprisingly little research done in actually analyzing how and why democracies cause peace. There is even less research done in empirically analyzing the "how" part of the normative aspects of the democratic peace theory. The purpose of this paper is to explain the theoretical assumptions and how interpersonal trust is linked to a country's preferences to go to war. In addition, a direct comparison is made between democratic and non‐democratic states to ascertain more clearly the effect of trust on decisions to go to war.Design/methodology/approachThis study quantitatively examines the period from 1980 to 2001 and considers 62 democratic countries and 30 non‐democratic countries in their choices to engage in conflict.FindingsThe research project finds that interpersonal trust is strongly correlated with states' decisions to go to war.Originality/valueThis is the first time that a study has examined the role of interpersonal trust on a state's decision to go to war, as no scholarly work has been done in applying the study of interpersonal trust to studying the theory of democratic peace.

This article discusses the political role of the Olympic Games and its implications on the hosting country's political and social life by analysing two cases—South Korea (1988) and Mexico (1968). Contrary to the belief that the games were created as an event that transcends politics, this study concludes that Olympic Games have been and are used as a political tool for various purposes and specific political circumstances eventually influenced the selection of Mexico's and South Korea's priorities for national development. Moreover, the findings of this article demonstrate that the Olympic Games served as a catalyst accelerating democratic changes in South Korea, and this finding can be applied to heuristic analysis of the future Olympic Games.

This article explores the relationship between prostitution, nationalism and foreign policies using a feminist analysis framework. Although scholars have dealt with the theoretical role of women in nationalist projects, there is little work factually supporting these theories. There is also a paucity of works demonstrating the role of prostitution in national security policies. This article rectifies these shortcomings and demonstrates that, although prostitution is illegal in Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, these governments have played an active role in supporting and maintaining the prostitution industry geared at servicing US troops. The US troops, in turn, have protected the national security of each of these countries for all of the post-Second World War era. In this context, it seems clear that `national security' does not include the physical, economic, legal and social insecurity of Japanese, Korean and Filipino women despite their contribution to the most quintessential Realist policy — national security.